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n the ministry, Mr Hofring will specialize in contact with the popular organizations.’ That announcement illuminates Swedish practice. The appointment was to the civil service but, as the reporter took pains to emphasize, it was on political grounds. He did not do this to raise a scandal, but simply to put the record straight. It cheap mbt shoes was as a routine piece of news, obscurely placed, with comment unnecessary. The appointment was clearly a reinforcement of 142 The New Totalitarian Socialist influence in the bureaucracy. It was a question not of somebody entering the civil service who, at the same time, happened to be mbt active in politics, but of political associations generating official employment. It was not consistent with the letter of the law, but there were few who would offer any criticism. Political jobbery has been accepted in the civil service. It has become a Swedish maxim that there is no civil service advancement without ‘the correct party membership’, in <a href="http://www.shoesgroups.com/lebron-james-basketball-shoes-nike-zoom-lebron-iii-3-c-91_456.html"><strong>lebron shoes</strong></a> the words of a cliche. It is essential to be a Social Democrat in order to get to the top, and in Swedish eyes there is nothing suspect about this. In 1970, Mr Kjell-Olof Feldt was promoted from the post of permanent under-secretary in the Ministry of Finance, a civil service position, to that of Minister of Trade, a political appointment. Mr Feldt was the epitome of an apparatchik. He began his career in the administrative ranks of the party, before transferring to the civil service. There, it was an open secret that his political allegiance secured rapid promotion. On the day that Mr Feldt was appointed to the Cabinet, a reshuffle of senior bureaucrats in the Ministry of Finance was announced, the newspapers publishing extensive interviews with both the new minister and the two civil servants promoted to fill the top vacancies caused by his departure from the Ministry of Finance. These interviews were so displayed as to confer more importance on the bureaucratic field. It was clear that the journalist recognized the bureaucrats he was talking to as representatives of the real rulers of Sweden. But it was equally obvious that he saw nothing questionable in it. And, in an equally bland fashion, he reported mbt shoes clearance what his two bureaucrats had to say about the importance of politics in the civil service. Both agreed that they were Social Democrats; the senior being an active party worker, his junior restricting his support to giving his vote at election time. Both said that it was impossible to work in the higher reaches of the The Rule of the Apparatchik 143 bureaucracy without having the same political opinions as the government. Their admission was expressed in a matterof- fact manner and drew no public comment. The division of the bureaucracy in which this occurred is distinct from the public service directorates. It concerns the senior officials working directly under Cabinet ministers. Each minister has under him an administrative department and, in addition, the Cabinet has a large chancery, staffed by a hybrid of politician and civil servant, in which policy is formulated. It is in the Chancery and the departments that mbt discount power is concentrated, and they are in the hands of the party. And, as the public service directorates are also in the ‘correct’ hands, the execution of Cabinet policy is controlled by the party as well. The Labour movement apparat reaches far. It has not only permeated the civil service; it extends to the universities as well. Or rather, since the universities are directly controlled by the central authorities, they are extensions of the State bureaucracy, and hence under party influence. All professors are appointed by the government and, in that procedure, there naturally lies an opening for political evaluation. Since the 1960s, party bias has become evident in appointments to those chairs affecting the development of society, notably sociology, political economy and education. It is accepted that, to reach the top in those faculties, it is essential to be a Social Democrat. A few incidents will perhaps illustrate the situation. An applicant for a lecturing post in the Institute of Education at Stockholm University was asked during her interview to reveal her political opinions. She protested that they were her own private concern, but that she was ready to admit that she was not of the left. Whereupon she was given a broad hint that she had put herself out of court and in due course was notified that she had failed to obtain the appointment. A professor at Uppsala University mbt once talked very freely to me about political bias in the Swedish academic world. 144 The New Totalitarians Before he parted, he earnestly requested me not to couple his name with his complaints. ‘I’m not a very brave man,’ he ended up by saying, ‘and my position would be seriously jeopardized if it got about that I had been criticizing the government. You see, I am only a bureaucrat – all Swedish professors are bureaucrats – and I must not antagonize my masters. If you want somebody to quote, go to X [mentioning a certain historian] – he’s not a university man; he’s free, the lucky devil.’ The unity of the bureaucratic establishment gives considerable scope to the academic apparatchik. Perhaps the most celebrated example of recent years was Professor Bror Rexed. Professor Rexed, an ostentatious Social Democrat, held a chair of anatomy at the University of Uppsala for many years. Concurrently, he advanced in the administrative machinery of his own university, of the Ministry of Education and of the party. In the end, he was translated from cheap mbt his professorial chair to the post of director general of the Directorate of Social Affairs. There the professor’s activities were a good illustration of the ramifications of the party apparat, and of the insignificance of the Diet. He set about furthering party policy, not government instructions, let alone Diet decisions. <a href="http://www.shoesgroups.com/derrick-rose-basketball-shoes-c-435.html"><strong>derrick rose shoes</strong></a> For example, he began to undermine the private practice of medicine by economic pressure and official propaganda and promoted a form of social work oriented towards the wellbeing of the collective rather than the good of the individual. In this, he executed the recommendations of a party caucus which thus took on the appearance, and exercised the powers, of a sovereign legislature. The analogy that springs to mind is the authority of the Politbureau of the Russian Communist party compared with the impotence of the Supreme Soviet. Political manoeuvrings have even extended to the officers’ corps. It was an open secret that General Synnergren, who became commander-in-chief of the Swedish armed forces in 1970, owed his appointment to his political sympathies. He The Rule of the Apparatchik 145 mbts outlet had let it be known that he was a Social Democrat, and in suitable public statements he supported government defence policy. Slightly disguised, this was broadcast in the press reports of his selection. He was given the copious treatment of a director general (to whom he is roughly comparable in the mbt shoes hierarchy of the State) and he was presented as ‘our first commander-in-chief who is a man of the people’. That description, in the allusive Swedish fashion, means a Social Democrat. As in the universities, so in the armed forces, there is an opening for political influence in senior appointments. As a professor is appointed by the Cabinet, so are officers of the rank of colonel and above. (It is a curiosity that treating a professor as the equivalent of a colonel corresponds exactly to the order of precedence in old Prussia.) Swedish officers traditionally have been on the right in politics, but many of them, for the sake of their careers, have moved to the left. To quote a particularly forthright staff officer: ‘If I’d only known what I know now, I’d have got a Social Democratic party card long ago. But it’s too late now. If I suddenly join the party, it’d be too obvious, and they’d never fall for it. But <a href="http://www.shoesgroups.com/"><strong>cheap nike hyperdunks</strong></a> if I’d always been a card-carrying member, well, I’d be much better off.’ The general recipe followed by a man in search of success is to exploit the bureaucratic apparat. His first step is to rise in the administration of some branch of the Labour movement. At a certain level, he must see that he is transferred to the mbt clearance civil service, preferably in the senior administrative ranks of the ministerial departments and, best of all, to the Chancery. Then, if he is lucky, he may one day find himself elevated to the Cabinet. He will, in fact, do everything but bother with a parliamentary career. As a natural consequence of these attitudes, the apparatchik has emerged as the only kind of person who gets on in political life. To be one is the goal of many an ambitious 146 The New Totalitarians young man. This holds in all fields; it applies both to the Government and Opposition. Of the latter mbt lami the Centre Party, as the dominant group and the closest approximation to the Social Democrats, provides the most obvious example. It is interlocked with the corporatist network of farmers’ cooperatives which, in its power and ramifications, resembles the Labour movement apparat. And from the Centrist apparat emerge the apparatchiks who rule the Centre Party. They guarantee the perpetuation of the system; they are the ones who will rule the country whenever there is a change of government. Until then, the Social Democrats will have more to offer. The grip that they have obtained on the bureaucratic establishment, added to their long tenure of office, has given them the aura of having a monopoly of power and governing ability. The Labour movement has been identified with the State; Sweden has mbt become what is in reality a constitutional oneparty State. 8. Agitprop and the Perpetuation of the Regime Dominating the machinery of the State is convenient, but it is the fruit of power rather than the fount. Before the Labour movement can secure its position, the party must guarantee continuity of office. In a conventional totalitarian country, this is achieved by force. But even there, indoctrination is vital in order to mould the populace in the image of the party and to restrain opposition below the point at which it becomes uncontrollable. Again, the Russians have a word for it: agitprop. The mbt shoes discount task of agitprop in the new totalitarianism of Sweden is far more difficult. It not only has to quell opposition, but to keep the party in office as well. Sweden is, after all, a constitutional State, and the electorate can unseat the government overnight. The problem is to prevent their doing so, and the only way is by constant indoctrination and manipulation, to make them vote the right way. The Swedish Social Democratic government had no bayonets to keep it in power; it only has its agitprop. Agitprop in Sweden is the duty of the ABF. At first sight this may be odd, but to combine agitprop with the training of party officials is quite logical. It unites the indoctrinators and their human material in the same organization, so that the methods of the one can always be adjusted to change in the other; indoctrinating and being indoctrinated are two sides of the same medal. And, fundamental requirement for political survival, it keeps the rulers in touch with the ruled. 148 The New Totalitarians The prime agitprop task of the ABF is to prepare the ground constantly for the issues of the next election. The ABF gives the party programme the appearance of revealed truth. It creates an ideological demand for the politicians to fill, so that electoral manifestoes come, not as the imposition of unwanted ideas, but as answers to a need. buy mbt shoes The work of the ABF is centrally directed and co-ordinated with the activities of the political leaders. No electoral campaign starts cold; when speakers go out into the country, they know that their audiences have been prepared. Slogans will fall on fertile ground. The ABF works with the so-called ‘study-circle’. It is a small group around a leader, conceived as the antithesis of a class under an instructor. It has been adopted in order to make pupils feel a sense of community with the leader, but at the same time to ensure that they turn to him as an infallible guide mbt stockists and interpreter. The word ‘circle’ has been construed literally. Classes are arranged in a circle, because it symbolizes equality and community. There is neither head nor tail and everybody sitting round appears to be of equal worth. Study circles are so organized as to obviate the necessity for teachers with specialized knowledge, depending instead on leaders trained to run discussions. Textbooks and course material are designed to that end. They provide the particular information required, leaving the circle leader to interpret and impart it. Circle leaders undergo periodical courses at ABF residential colleges, where they are taught the elements of dialectic and the methods of guiding discussions. If the circle leader then does his work correctly, guiding discussions in the proper manner, he can persuade his listeners that they have all come to the required conclusions of their own volition, although they may in fact only be accepting what they have been told. By so doing, the experience of the ABF reveals, they acquire deep conviction and a desire to impart their convictions to others. They are infused with an evangelistic spirit, acting ‘as unpaid party workers’, in the Agitprop and the Perpetuation of the Regime 149 words of an ABF leader. All this is the conscious aim of the organization. Training in particular subjects, as distinct from general dialectic and teaching methods, was stopped after disastrous experiments. Leaders returned home from their courses to lord it over their fellows as approved authorities in various fields. This was undesirable, not so much because a few weeks’ cramming does not make an expert, but because the rank and file resented arrogance and affectation in men whom they had been taught to regard as equals. In the long run, this could have been fatal for the hold which the Labour movement has on its members. Community and Identity,* the two qualities that the movement most mbt shoes australia desires, are eroded by crass authoritarian behaviour. <a href="http://041823.com/view.php?id=24982"><strong>MBT could possibly be the ancient physiological shoes | DoFollow ...</strong></a> Matters such as these are most carefully attended to, because the prime concern of the ABF is to maintain a hold on its public. The system of avoiding specialist teachers allows the ABF great flexibility. Provided that the circle leaders are loyal to the organization (which they almost invariably are) they will impart exactly what they are told to. Where a conventional teacher will insist on maintaining what he himself has learnt, a circle leader will transmit without prejudice the material he is supplied with as if he were a wireless set or a TV receiver. For that reason, the leaders of the ABF can switch policy and change a syllabus with great rapidity, in the certain knowledge of being rigorously obeyed. It is a principle of the study circle system that textbooks must be uniform, and provided by the organization. All course material is prepared mbt uk in Stockholm by a central office, and distributed by a central depot. * The precise terms used by the A B F. It will be remembered that they are part Cheap mbts of the motto on the Central London Hatchery and Conditioning Centre in Brave New World. Stability, the third w Related posts:tunisha shoe paypal mbt discount 80% cheap genuine mbt shoes sal outletukmbt staka san cheap Cheap Vibram Five Finger Shoes On Hot Sale Online The impact of cheap Jordan shoes is enormous Cheap Vibram FiveFingers Speed Sale with high performance This entry was posted on July 23, 2011 at 9:06 am and is filed under article. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed.